the press. Claiming constitutionalism as their own, they tried to force their views on the people. But the more they showed their true colours, the more mistrusted and unpopular they became. And the fiercer became the battle between the parties and societies. The press became the field of battle. In response, the CUP resorted to covert and illegal methods in order to establish itself more firmly, increasingly using force to eliminate opponents.

This intimidation and political violence created an atmosphere of terror, and all the while those prompting it remained in the background. On 15 December 1908, one of the Sultan's men, İsmail Mahir Pasha, was murdered. He was followed by others, including prominent journalists, one of which was Hasan Fehmi Bey. He was the editor of the Serbesti, one of the loudest voices of opposition to the CUP. His assassination on 6 April 1909 resulted in widespread, unanswered, calls for justice. It was a return to despotism in a form worse than previously. [^183]

[^183]:Danişmend, İzahlı, iv, 371.

At the same time, the CUP started a drive to weed out government officials and replace them with their own supporters, whether experienced or not. There were substantial numbers involved. The same policy was followed in the Army. The officers were of two kinds, those risen from the ranks on their merit and experience, and those trained in the new military academies. The CUP started to replace the former with the latter, who were mostly CUP supporters. The numbers expelled from all sections of the Army reached close on eight thousand. [^184] Many of the new officers were inexperienced, and the CUP supporters from among them mocked the religion of Islam and tried to prevent the ordinary soldiers carrying out their religious duties. Thus, dissatisfaction within the army grew to serious proportions, while the expelled officials and officers formed a significant body ready to rebel against the government.

[^184]:S. Albayrak, 31 Mart, 18.

Also, there was a general feeling of affront and distrust among the people due to the CUP's lax attitude towards religion. Freedom had speeded up the import of Western culture, manners, and morality, and had led to a decline in moral standards.

And finally was the extreme partisanship of the different parties and societies. The excessive and bitter 'war' between the newspapers representing the CUP and their opponents continually exacerbated the situation. Derviş Vahdetî cannot be altogether exonerated from this.